We report in full the remarks made by Sara Conti (RF) in the Grand and General Council (Consiglio Grande e Generale) during the communications item on the agenda.
Sara Conti (RF): Yesterday my colleague Oscar Mina reported on the participation of the San Marino delegation in the OSCE’s autumn meeting. During the Third Committee of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, which I follow closely, the debate focused on the impact of artificial intelligence on democratic institutions and on respect for human rights. In my brief remarks there, I tried to offer an analysis starting from one fact: this impact is no longer a hypothesis about the future, but a reality of the present, one that demands immediate — and above all coordinated — responses from the international community as a whole. Why did I start from this point? Because hybrid threats and automated disinformation campaigns today move faster than our legislation can keep up with. I was struck by the theories put forward by many analysts regarding the dynamics of the protests and the tensions that swept through several European squares with unprecedented violence on 17 and 18 October. These analysts suspect that behind this escalation of violence lie external orchestration and strategies of what is now being called hybrid warfare — capable of amplifying dissent and polarization in real time, to the point of degenerating into the shocking violence we have all unfortunately witnessed. Let me be clear: I will not delve into the underlying causes of these protests. But I do believe — and I want to say this clearly — that the greatest mistake we can make, one I see all too often in the commentary surrounding this issue, is to make hasty and simplistic claims that push people to take sides. The narrative that pits right against wrong in such stark terms, when faced with situations that are extremely complex and multi-layered, only serves to create divisions that undermine social cohesion. So, without delving into the deeper reasons behind the political dissent — which differ from country to country where these clashes took place in recent days — I will instead focus on the validity of the theories linking the escalation of violence and polarization to an externally orchestrated hybrid war. This would be empirical confirmation of just how thin the line has become between digital space and the real security of our countries. Technology has made manipulation inherently cross-border. Deceptive or polarizing content can be generated by artificial intelligence in one state, hosted in a second, and aimed at destabilizing the citizens of a third country — ultimately undermining the very foundations of democracy. Faced with this erosion of physical borders, our greatest weakness remains regulatory fragmentation. Isolated and asymmetrical national responses do nothing but create enormous legal vacuums, which hostile actors know exactly how to exploit — and we are seeing this happen. This does not mean we should slow down innovation. Innovation and artificial intelligence certainly have an extremely positive side for all of humanity, but we must learn to govern this innovation collectively. As parliamentarians, our task is to ensure that it develops within an inviolable framework of transparency, accountability and, above all, respect for human rights. Allowing artificial intelligence to shape the future is by now inevitable — we have seen it, and we are seeing it day after day. But allowing it to shape the truth is a political choice. Today, safeguarding collective security means defending the democratic integrity of our digital space. This is precisely why I felt it was important to raise this issue and bring it before this chamber, considering it a matter of strategic importance. The responsibility of the international community to place multilateralism at the foundation of lasting peace will, in the near future, be measured precisely on this issue. This was reiterated by United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres in his address to the General Assembly, where he called on governments to cooperate globally, reminding them that artificial intelligence — and I quote — “does not stop at national borders,” and that technology, without accountability and shared rules, poses a danger to international security. The only way forward, therefore, is to have the courage and strength to present a united front on these issues. This is the appeal I made at the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, starting precisely with those countries with whom we share solid common values. I am referring, first and foremost, to the European Union member states, with whom, since last Monday, we now have a much deeper relationship of openness, sharing and cooperation. On the subject of the European Union, I cannot fail to say a few words, because the Republic of San Marino, with that signature, has laid down what I have always called a milestone in our history, as well as a tangible example of how small states can and must find their place in international exchange and cooperation. This historic achievement is not the result of a spur-of-the-moment idea, but the outcome of extraordinary work — a collective, institutional effort spanning five governments, which engaged our Secretaries of State, officials and diplomatic corps for years in negotiating a complex and ambitious treaty, unique among all those the European Union has signed with partner states. This is the agreement that will allow San Marino, together with Andorra, a structural rapprochement with the European Union through entry into the single market. We must repeat this to our citizens again and again, colleagues, and make clear that this rapprochement does not mean membership, but rather a closer, more collaborative relationship with the European Union, along with the opportunity to engage with a single market of five hundred million people. This is not a finishing line — other colleagues have said so, and I want to say it too — because it is certainly the starting point from which we must consciously begin working to ensure that the implementation of all the European regulations provided for under the agreement proceeds as swiftly as possible, and that in the future we are able to keep pace with the regulatory framework as it is updated over time. These are the burdens; then there are the rewards: we must also be capable of seizing all the opportunities and potential inherent in this new and closer collaboration with the European Union. I remain convinced that economic integration and the adoption of common standards do not erase our distinctiveness, but on the contrary strengthen our sovereignty and our security within a framework of shared rules. If we want to protect our democracies from global threats — and the malicious use of artificial intelligence is a concrete example of this — there is only one path: to reject isolation, overcome fragmentation, and present a united front. With this step, our small state has reaffirmed its sovereignty and carved out a place for itself even among the largest nations. But while on one hand we have taken this extraordinary step toward the European Union, on the other hand the European Court of Human Rights has issued yet another severe condemnation against us. We said long ago that this affair was a democratic disgrace, and today the ECHR has resoundingly proven us right. We are not merely facing yet another international embarrassment, but a far more serious political matter, as the Court’s ruling itself clearly makes plain. The government’s attitude regarding these events is deeply worrying, and above all the arrogant reaction it has shown throughout this entire affair. Rather than upholding the guarantees of the rule of law, the executive chose instead to endorse the persecution of dissent and the muzzling of freedom of expression. San Marino’s condemnation is the failure of a government that uses institutions as a personal shield. Forcing the country to pay thousands of euros for its own abuses is an unforgivable disgrace. The government can no longer hide. Europe has certified its authoritarian drift — and it has done so for the second time.
